Monday 4 February 2013

The 'Other' Henna

                As a part time artist and full time anthropological student, I've always had my eye open for new and interesting forms of expressing creativity; earthworks, tattoos, and makeup just to name a few. When I stumbled across henna design as a child, I thought it was a fun way for personal body decoration that wouldn't make my mother upset. However, as I aged and intellectual maturity grew, I sought out forms of art that had far more meaning and mystery than the traditional brush and canvas.
                Henna has a long history, going as far back as antiquity, stretching out across many regions of North Africa and the Middle East through Muslim, Arabic, tribal Africa, and Hindu social groups (Smith, 1999). The place henna holds in Morocco is one centered in symbolic meaning for celebrations and in the stages of a woman’s life. Now a day, however, there is an evolving social and economic stand point for women concerning the application, selling, setting, and artistic design of henna. What with the high influx of tourists coming to Morocco on vacation, there is an ever growing market on the streets for women to leave the domestic domain to make a living selling henna designs to tourists, both domestic and international (Spurles, 2008). This reveals a drastic change from the traditional forms of selling henna, where the women are confined to the domestic home and must be approached by the client, versus being called out to like a common fruit vender in an outdoor market (Spurles, 2008, p. 10). This drastically changes the dynamic of the experience of receiving henna greatly as the application and rituals of henna giving are controlled and done by women, as they are traditionally always done in a women’s space (Spurles, 2008, p. 10). By applying the tourist sector henna in the street which is typically dominated by men and representatives of the state is a big jump from where it had traditionally been given, in an artisan’s home [the domestic space] over seen by women (Spurles, 2008, p. 10). Refreshments are offered to those on the street receiving henna, “instead of receiving them as my guest,” and money is bargained over instead of using language and gesture to indicate that the money which is given is meant as a gift that speaks as a blessing on the giver (Spurles, 2008, p. 10). The demand for tourist sector henna has created a floor of opportunity for women to make money, and many have come to fill that demand, most of who have neither been trained nor apprenticed by local henna artisans (Spurles, 2008, p. 10).
What I find so critical about the difference between the two methods of applying henna are their meanings. Traditional henna was meant as a sign for a particular moment in a woman’s life. When children are born there is a gmata ceremony where henna is rubbed on the hands of the child (Spurles, 2008, p. 23). The children are then wrapped in a cloth and passed around the room to the guests of the house hold who have also rubbed henna onto their hands and will bounce the baby and bless them with promises of money (Spurles, 2008, p. 23). Later in life when a woman is married, her hands and feet will be covered with henna for her marriage. This is very important moment in a woman’s life and is symbolized by placing henna on her feet. Henna is never placed on the feet of a young girl beyond the age of 7 or 8 when there is guaranty no confusion of the girl’s virginity (Spurles, 2008, pp. 31-32). Closer to the end of a woman’s life, when a woman is divorced or widowed, she will abstain from using henna as it is a sad time for her (Spurles, 2008, p. 29). She will be confined to the house, to not show any hair around her face, and to wear only white (Spurles, 2008, p. 29). The practice of henna after this is a sign that the mourning period is over and she can rejoin the rest of the world for celebrations and happiness again  (Spurles, 2008, p. 30). These moments of ceremony and celebration surrounding the application of henna are removed almost entirely by selling henna on the streets to tourists who simply want a trinket to take home. It is the meaning and designs, made specifically for the client, which brings so much more meaning and life to the art forth.
One element of henna that can never be removed is the after care. To ensure the design keeps for as long as possible, a woman must refrain from doing activities like washing dishes or clothes as so to avoid washing the henna off or exfoliating the skin too harshly (Smith, 1999). This can be prevented with after care, either through using lemon juice and sugar to keep the skin clean and smooth (Spurles, 2008, p. 16). Tourist or local woman: after care is important in order to prevent washing off the henna too quickly. This means the woman will have to refrain from doing physical activities that mean her hands and feed would get scrubbed or wet. What this means for a Moroccan woman is that the house work the woman would typically do would be shifted to other members of the family and house hold to keep up with the work (Spurles, 2008, p. 16). A family’s wealth is a reflection of how long they can sustain the house hold without having to ask the woman whose hands and feet are hennaed to take part in the chores (Spurles, 2008, p. 16). This is particularly significant as the henna usually takes place during a celebration when chores and work in the home will become much heavier a burden to bare (Spurles, 2008, p. 16). It is unlikely however that a tourist would have issues with such situations, as many come from places where have machines to do the scrubbing for them, or it is not a tradition to put work on others in order to keep the henna – they would just simply have to watch it wash away more quickly.
I have not gone nearly as far into this text as I would like at this point, but I look forward to uncovering the intricate social and artistic nature of henna that permeates Arabic culture in Morocco and am very excited to read the rest of this manuscript.

Bibliography

Smith, M. (1999). Henna Body Art. Hong Kong: Mars Publishing.
Spurles, P. K. (2008). Henna for Brides and Gazelles: Tradition, Tourism and Gender in Morocco. Montreal: University of Montreal.


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