Wednesday 27 March 2013

The Women`s World



Much like the practice of belly dancing, henna is considered to be women’s art and activity, shrouded in mystery behind closed doors in the world of women – inside the home. The theme of women and their relationships with each other, and with men, regarding their crafts and how they use them engulfs much of the women’s behaviour. Much of their lives are dependent on the men, predominantly the head male of the house hold. This extends into the outside world, beyond the home, which is considered the man’s world. “Patriarchal hegemony does not exclude the existence of sectors or tactics that permit greater or lesser freedom, nor do all women experience it in the same way,” (Kelly-Spurles n.d., 13).  This pillar of social structure is being challenged however due to a new market of income opening with the influx of tourists into Morocco, particularly with relation to tourist sector henna. Women have begun to extend themselves beyond their place indoors, into the outside world, which is causing some shifts in the social power of gender within Morocco.

“…the presentation of culture ‘is a communicative medium to shape reality, to construct it in order to achieve specific ends’ (Peteet 1993:52).” (Kelly-Spurles n.d., 47).

Henna on the street
In Morocco, much like everywhere, spaces contain meaning regarding how they are used, who has access to them, the rituals performed in them, the economic and social contexts that are embedded in them, and how all of these connects to other’s lives. “The house and the street are not just places however, but metaphors or reference points that orient Moroccan women’s self-presentation through speech and action,” (Kelly-Spurles n.d., 46). The repetition of these actions in these places will reinforce these metaphors, such as what is said between people, the mannerisms necessary to communicate depending on location, and other symbols like dress. This has been carefully and strategically orchestrated in Moroccan culture, so that a woman may not be able to exist outside of these constructs without risking her reputation. For instance, for a woman to be on the street too much without reason would call into question her actions. Occasionally, when ends cannot be met and more money is needed to feed the family, women will resort to prostitution, a transaction that typically happens on the street, and ruins reputations (Kelly-Spurles n.d., 65). If a woman is spending too much time on the street, people would assume something like prostitution, ruining a woman’s future prospects in a whole host of areas.

In the past several decades, tourism has been increasing in Morroco, and with the high influx of tourists coming to Morocco, those outside of the domestic economic sector have been reaching into the pool of international visitors for monetary opportunity. However, those who have access to this pool of income are almost exclusively one group of people; the “local actors who benefit most are male” (Kelly-Spurles n.d., 62). This is mostly through the gendering of jobs, and those who have access to interact with the unknown tourists. Women have been taking to the streets of Morocco to offer their stills as henna artists, selling take-away-souvenirs to tourists in the form of henna designs, in order to make some money.
However, it is more difficult than simply setting up a stall in the plaza and calling tourists over with the promise of a personalize design. Women are typically not able to speak with individuals outside their own kin group, which is often symbolized by the way they dress. One way women who are moving to the tourist sector to find work are working around this is by adopting religious idioms, such as the veil or the hijab (Kelly-Spurles n.d., 56). This way, they may avoid some negative attention they may attract for working outside the home, by adopting a more formal style of dress. However, if henna is to be sold to a tourist, the women need to do more than dress conservatively; they need to interact with the tourists and make the henna art readily available.
Beautiful henna on her left hand

Tourists rarely ever want to spend an enormous amount of time in one place while travelling; they have a limited amount of time in the area and want to make the most of it by seeing all they can. A henna artist could invite a tourist to their home to perform henna; however that is almost worse than working on the street in the open, because now someone outside the kin group is in the home and this could be easily misunderstood to be prostitution. Having been a tourist in several countries where I did not speak the language, I noticed most other tourists will stick to the main pathways where the streets are wide and there seems to be a lot of activity. Women who wish to work in the tourist henna sector must move to these public areas in order to interact with the tourist to make a sale. Thus, due to tourists rarely ever being invited into a private home, or leaving the main streets, the henna artists are forced to go where the tourists are.

“Female artisans, operating from a weak base and lacking institutional power, aim to expand and solidify their use of public space. Socially constructed space is engaged here as both a context that reveals power relations and structures women’s actions and as a process in which they participate, as their actions alternately reinforce and resist it (Low, 1996; Erdreich and Rapoport, 2006),” (Kelly-Spurles n.d., 56).

The enormous shift in Moroccan culture, from one where men domimate the working work, to one where it is more likely to find men and women in the same work place, doing different jobs, but behaving in a similar fashion in order to make the most of the economic opportunities opening up with so many tourists wandering through the streets and urban areas of Morocco. This can be discomforting to some people because even if a woman was in the most moderate of costumes, her mere presence in a market or a wide main street challenges the traditional placement of women’s work, which is traditionally in the home. By placing women in an outdoor setting, and have them behave in a businesslike manner like the men, it disrupts patterns of gender.
Tourist sector henna artists will challenge additional gender structures by applying henna to the bodies of men, removing another symbol that is particular to the art of henna – which is typically exclusively applied to the bodies of women. “The hadith show henna on the hands and feet as distinctively feminine” (Kelly-Spurles n.d., 31). I find it odd that henna would be considered exclusive to women as it had originally been meant as a form of cooling the body because it had chemical properties where, if applied to the palm of your hand and the soles of your feet, the wearer would feel cooler than they really were. It would hopefully be assumed that this form of air conditioning would be available to both sexes, and in some parts of the world it is, but in Morocco it is primarily a women’s activity. Perhaps, because of the elaborate artistic and craft attributes which are culturally primarily considered to be women’s work, it had been handed over to the women as a pass time which evolved into and included ceremonial practices and symbolic implications with the style, placement, and application of henna. Whatever the case may be, the placement of henna on the bodies of men challenge the ceremonial and gendered meanings of henna practice.
Women in the work force
                The placement of women in the streets of Morocco challenges gender structures in Moroccan culture, such as the role women play in the economic market of Morocco, where their ‘place’ is in home or the outside world, as well as which gender may wear henna. With tourists visiting cities like Marrakesh, women are taking to the streets in order to dip into this economic opportunity to help support themselves and their families. The presence of women on the streets, behaving in manners of masculinity, and acting as an active participant in the Moroccan job market changes the way Moroccans see the role women play in their own social setting. Tourist sector henna has been criticized quite a bit throughout this blog so far, but in some ways it has brought a bit of equality to the streets of Morocco, allowing women to move around more freely than they had before.

Sunday 17 March 2013

Woman is Belly Dancing

                I wanted to take a moment to share with you something very special to me, and something I love to share with the women around me to inspire them to get up and use their hips for something just for them - and something just as important to the women of Morocco. Belly dancing!
                Belly dancing, as we know it today, is a style of dance that is comes from the North Africa, the Middle East, and as far as South East Asia, and is used as entertainment at parties and ethnic restaurants. Surrounded by sexual premises and implications, belly dancing is sometimes looked down upon by the pious and mild manners, especially considering it is what inspired the style of dance we now call “exotic dancing” (Al-Rawi 2003). However, belly dancing was never meant as a form of entertainment to be observed by others, let alone by men. It began as an exclusively female activity, surrounded in spirituality and meaning, with practical uses such as an exercise for women prior giving birth. The muscle control required for belly dancing provide the strength for women to move their abdominal muscles in a wave motion helping birth that child faster. The skill grew in complexity and it became a style of dance in the North Africa and the Persia for hundreds of years. It is still quite popular today, and can be found in many parts of world, like North America, Europe, India, Turkey, and a similar style exists in south-east Asia and Indonesia.
Drum Beats of Morocco
                One of the most unique attributes of belly dancing is that for centuries it was rarely, if ever, choreographed previous a performance. The reason behind this is that Persian music did not have a written method for recording music, so the musicians made up the majority of their music on the spot. Therefore, up until technological advances provided recording equipment, belly dancing was as spontaneous as the music. This is also why it is much more common to see one belly dancer performing than a group. Trying to organize a group of dancers to freestyle in synchronized fashion is next to impossible, so the dance developed around one dancer dancing at a time, and for the most part that is the way it has stayed even in present day. With recorded music there is now a chance for a group of belly dancers to perform together in synch with each other’s movements, but I have often found this to be a draw back. Removing the spontaneity of the movement allows for greater technical precision and stage use, but it makes the dancers appear stiff. Belly dancing is a very fluid dance, where dancers sway in many circular movements using their hips, arms, head, shoulders, chest, stomach, feet, fingers, wrists, and just about every other joint in their body to make swirling fluid movements. By choreographing it, it forces the dancer to think too much about what they are doing, distracting them from the feel of the dance. I prefer the spontaneous singular form of dancing, where everything is movement and emotion.
                Moroccan belly dancing is quite different from the form of belly dancing I learned how to do, which was more Indian in nature. To begin with, Moroccan dancers like to show off the legs of the dancers quite a bit more than other belly dancers. Frequently the skirt will fall straight to the floor in a straight piece of fabric that is usually without folds or pleats, but often with a slit on the side for a leg to appear for extra movement. Sometimes flared pants are used instead, most often narrowly fitting the top of the legs and then flaring out around the knee but will usually stop before hitting the floor to prevent the dancer from tripping. Sometimes however the pants will be fitted loosely in a light fabric that moves easily and tapers at the ankle – again to prevent the dancer from tripping. The bust is primarily the same as it is everywhere belly dancing is performed; covering the breasts and sometimes the shoulders, but always making sure to show off the naval area or else little movement would be shown and the dance would not be called ‘belly dancing’. Sometimes arm accessories are used, to add some colour and increased movement to the dance. Decorations of the costumes are quite different in North Africa, like in Egypt or Morocco, than in other parts of the Persia and India. Movement is always very important in belly dancing, because by exaggerating the movement caused by the hips, chest or arms of the dancer it increases the illusion the dancer is creating with their body, moving the many parts of the body in isolation. Usually that means there are beads and ‘bangles’ hanging off the costume of the belly dancer, either a belt, the skirt, or the bust, but usually more beading and fewer bangles are used in Moroccan belly dancer’s costumes. The costumes can be simple, or exceptionally elaborate, but are almost always rich with colour and details that catch the light. Professional belly dancing costumes are always heavily beaded and very beautiful, to match the beauty of the woman wearing it. Sometimes, props may also be used, such as very light shawls, finger chimes, and even swords or fire balanced on the dancer's head.
                Many people assume that belly dancing is meant as a sensual and sexual dance, because of the somewhat sexual nature to the movements, and more than anything the lack of clothing.  It is true that belly dancing, at least to me, is a very sensual dance – but rarely is it meant in a sexual manner. Belly dancing is performed in many settings and venues, usually indoor parties or restaurants, including weddings and simple female gatherings where women will join together and dance with each other at a woman’s home (Al-Rawi 2003). The incredible thing about the dance is that girls begin to learn it quite young, either through the women at home or at classes, and the lessons they learn about the stomach motions as children will be remembered during child birth and will help the birth go along much more smoothly (Al-Rawi 2003).
Moroccan Music
                The main objective to belly dancing is to isolate the muscles in the entire body, hips, arms, abdominal, chest, shoulders, neck, legs, and hands so that the dancer can move each one of them individually in order to have complete control over their body so they can perform the dance (Al-Rawi 2003). When first beginning, it is very important to bend the knees, increase the dexterity and flexibility of the hips and abdomen so the dancer can successfully keep their feet planted on the ground and move their hips in circular motions without moving their shoulders. The point behind this is that much later in the development of the dance, dancers will learn how to move their rib cage, hips, shoulders and head all separately, creating an illusion of total movement of the body in harmony (Al-Rawi 2003).
                There is an enormous spiritual component to belly dancing that not many people know the history of, or how to recognize it. The goddess of womanhood is the moon, the celestial body that controls the waters of the earth, and the cycle of women, and like the moon women will meet on top a hill to dance and celebrate the feeling of what it means to be a women (Al-Rawi 2003). Because of the connection women have to their bellies as a source of life, death, and general discomfort every 28 days, the belly becomes the primary subject of the dance, used to strengthen sexual energy, and praise the mysteries of life, opening themselves to the universe to become centered once more (Al-Rawi 2003).  However, as time moved on and the relationship between man, centered in rational thought, and woman, embodying the unpredictability of the natural world, became more distant and distorted (Al-Rawi 2003). It became a dance meant for entertainment purposes, thought to be more of a seductive dance than a moment of spiritual clarity (Al-Rawi 2003). Over time, the dance no longer stood for anything spiritual, and no longer served women as the mystery of being. 
                Even though the exterior view of the dance is one that is of far lower quality than the original intention, the meditative properties of the dance have not changed. When I dance, I always take a moment for the rhythm of the drum, and the melody of the wind instruments to reach inside me and grab hold of something far more ancient than anything I could have ever learned in a dance class. I will feel my heart beat match the rhythm of the drums, and slowly I will feel the music creeping through ever vein of my body, right down to the ends of my toes, the tips of my fingers, right around the crown of my head to the third eye. I will focus all my attentions to that single spot, and let the music come out of my arms and legs in a single string of fluid motions. The energy from the music fills my body with strength that is not my own, and I let it take me away to a place that is not based in thought, but emotion. It is my release from stress, from having to think, and I become lost in the moment. For a short time, I am connected with something far breaker than anything of this world.
                That is what belly dancing is to me; a way to connect with myself and the women around me. It is not meant as something for others to watch for entertainment, it can be a very private thing to me, but best shared with close friends. The joy that is felt from sharing in the dance is what makes me a better dancer, and encourages me to share it with others.

Work Cited

Al-Rawi, Rosina-Fawzia. Grandmother's Secrets. Northampton: Interlink Books, 2003.